Добавил:
Upload Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз: Предмет: Файл:

Психология

.pdf
Скачиваний:
24
Добавлен:
06.06.2015
Размер:
15 Мб
Скачать
☆

2.Make a list of some the schemas that you have stored in your memory. What are the contents of each schema, and how might you use the schema to help you remember new information?

3.In the film “Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind,” the characters undergo a medical procedure designed to erase their memories of a painful romantic relationship. Would you engage in such a procedure if it was safely offered to you?

[1]Nickerson, R. S., & Adams, M. J. (1979). Long-term memory for a common object.Cognitive Psychology, 11(3), 287–307.

[2]Craik, F. I., & Lockhart, R. S. (1972). Levels of processing: A framework for memory research. Journal of Verbal Learning & Verbal Behavior, 11(6), 671–684; Harris, J. L., & Qualls, C. D. (2000). The association of elaborative or maintenance rehearsal with age, reading comprehension and verbal working memory performance. Aphasiology, 14(5–6), 515–526.

[3]Rogers, T. B., Kuiper, N. A., & Kirker, W. S. (1977). Self-reference and the encoding of personal information. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 35(9), 677–688.

[4]Symons, C. S., & Johnson, B. T. (1997). The self-reference effect in memory: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 121(3), 371–394.

[5]Bahrick, H. P. (1984). Semantic memory content in permastore: Fifty years of memory for Spanish learned in school. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 113(1), 1–29.

[6]Driskell, J. E., Willis, R. P., & Copper, C. (1992). Effect of overlearning on retention.Journal of Applied Psychology, 77(5), 615–

622.

[7]Godden, D. R., & Baddeley, A. D. (1975). Context-dependent memory in two natural environments: On land and underwater. British Journal of Psychology, 66(3), 325–331.

[8]Jackson, A., Koek, W., & Colpaert, F. (1992). NMDA antagonists make learning and recall state-dependent. Behavioural Pharmacology, 3(4), 415.

[9]Marian, V. & Kaushanskaya, M. (2007). Language context guides memory content.Psychonomic Bulletin and Review, 14(5), 925–933.

[10]Bower, G. H. (1981). Mood and memory. American Psychologist, 36, 129–148; Eich, E. (2008). Mood and memory at 26: Revisiting the idea of mood mediation in drug-dependent and place-dependent memory. In M. A. Gluck, J. R. Anderson, & S. M. Kosslyn (Eds.),Memory and mind: A festschrift for Gordon H. Bower (pp. 247–260). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

[11]Baddeley, A., Eysenck, M. W., & Anderson, M. C. (2009). Memory. New York, NY: Psychology Press.

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

431

[12]Srull, T., & Wyer, R. (1989). Person memory and judgment. Psychological Review, 96(1), 58–83.

[13]Rosch, E. (1975). Cognitive representations of semantic categories. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 104(3), 192–233.

[14]Bransford, J. D., & Johnson, M. K. (1972). Contextual prerequisites for understanding: Some investigations of comprehension and recall. Journal of Verbal Learning & Verbal Behavior, 11(6), 717–726.

[15]Lynch, G. (2002). Memory enhancement: The search for mechanism-based drugs.Nature Neuroscience, 5(Suppl.), 1035–

1038.

[16]Lynch, G., Larson, J., Staubli, U., Ambros-Ingerson, J., Granger, R., Lister, R. G.,…Weingartner, H. J. (1991). Long-term potentiation and memory operations in cortical networks. In C. A. Wickliffe, M. Corballis, & G. White (Eds.), Perspectives on cognitive neuroscience (pp. 110–131). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

[17]Squire, L. R. (1992). Memory and the hippocampus: A synthesis from findings with rats, monkeys, and

humans. Psychological Review, 99(2), 195–231.

[18]Eichenbaum, H. (1999). Conscious awareness, memory, and the hippocampus. Nature Neuroscience, 2(9), 775–776.

[19]Jonides, J., Lacey, S. C., & Nee, D. E. (2005). Processes of working memory in mind and brain. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 14(1), 2–5.

[20]Krupa, D. J., Thompson, J. K., & Thompson, R. F. (1993). Localization of a memory trace in the mammalian brain. Science, 260(5110), 989–991; Woodruff-Pak, D. S., Goldenberg, G., Downey-Lamb, M. M., Boyko, O. B., & Lemieux, S. K. (2000). Cerebellar volume in humans related to magnitude of classical conditioning. Neuroreport: For Rapid Communication of Neuroscience Research, 11(3), 609–615.

[21]Sigurdsson, T., Doyère, V., Cain, C. K., & LeDoux, J. E. (2007). Long-term potentiation in the amygdala: A cellular mechanism of fear learning and memory. Neuropharmacology, 52(1), 215–227.

[22]Corkin, S., Amaral, D. G., González, R. G., Johnson, K. A., & Hyman, B. T. (1997). H. M.’s medial temporal lobe lesion: Findings from magnetic resonance imaging. The Journal of Neuroscience, 17(10), 3964–3979.

[23]Bayley, P. J., & Squire, L. R. (2005). Failure to acquire new semantic knowledge in patients with large medial temporal lobe lesions. Hippocampus, 15(2), 273–280; Helmuth, Laura. (1999). New role found for the hippocampus. Science, 285, 1339–1341; Paller, K. A. (2004). Electrical signals of memory and of the awareness of remembering. Current Directions in Psychological

Science, 13(2), 49–55.

 

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

432

[24]Lashley, K. S. (1929). The effects of cerebral lesions subsequent to the formation of the maze habit: Localization of the habit. In Brain mechanisms and intelligence: A quantitative study of injuries to the brain (pp. 86–108). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

[25]McEntee, W., & Crook, T. (1993). Glutamate: Its role in learning, memory, and the aging

brain. Psychopharmacology, 111(4), 391–401.

[26]McGaugh, J. L. (2003). Memory and emotion: The making of lasting memories. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.

[27]Maki, P. M., & Resnick, S. M. (2000). Longitudinal effects of estrogen replacement therapy on PET cerebral blood flow and cognition. Neurobiology of Aging, 21, 373–383; Sherwin, B. B. (1998). Estrogen and cognitive functioning in

women. Proceedings of the Society for Experimental Biological Medicine, 217, 17–22.

[28]Chester, B. (2001). Restoring remembering: Hormones and memory. McGill Reporter, 33(10). Retrieved

from http://www.mcgill.ca/reporter/33/10/sherwin

[29]Gold, P. E., Cahill, L., & Wenk, G. L. (2002). Ginkgo biloba: A cognitive enhancer?Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 3(1), 2–11; McDaniel, M. A., Maier, S. F., & Einstein, G. O. (2002). “Brain-specific” nutrients: A memory cure? Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 3(1), 12–38.

[30]Farah, M. J., Illes, J., Cook-Deegan, R., Gardner, H., Kandel, E., King, P.,…Wolpe, P. R. (2004). Neurocognitive enhancement: What can we do and what should we do? Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 5(5), 421–425; Turner, D. C., & Sahakian, B. J. (2006). Analysis of the cognitive enhancing effects of modafinil in schizophrenia. In J. L. Cummings (Ed.), Progress in neurotherapeutics and neuropsychopharmacology (pp. 133–147). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

8.3 Accuracy and Inaccuracy in Memory and Cognition

 

 

LE ARNING OB JECT I VE S

 

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

433

1.Outline the variables that can influence the accuracy of our memory for events.

2.Explain how schemas can distort our memories.

3.Describe the representativeness heuristic and the availability heuristic and explain how they may lead to errors in judgment.

As we have seen, our memories are not perfect. They fail in part due to our inadequate encoding and storage, and in part due to our inability to accurately retrieve stored information. But memory is also influenced by the setting in which it occurs, by the events that occur to us after we have experienced an event, and by the cognitive processes that we use to help us remember. Although our cognition allows us to attend to, rehearse, and organize information, cognition may also lead to distortions and errors in our judgments and our behaviors.

In this section we consider some of the cognitive biases that are known to influence

humans. Cognitive biases are errors in memory or judgment that are caused by the inappropriate use of cognitive processes (Table 8.3 "Cognitive Processes That Pose Threats to Accuracy"). The study of cognitive biases is important both because it relates to the important psychological theme of accuracy versus inaccuracy in perception, and because being aware of the types of errors that we may make can help us avoid them and therefore improve our decision-making skills.

Table 8.3 Cognitive Processes That Pose Threats to Accuracy

Cognitive process

Description

Potential threat to accuracy

 

 

 

 

The ability to accurately identify the source of a

Uncertainty about the source of a memory may

Source monitoring

memory

lead to mistaken judgments.

 

 

 

 

The tendency to verify and confirm our existing

 

 

memories rather than to challenge and

Once beliefs become established, they become

Confirmation bias

disconfirm them

self-perpetuating and difficult to change.

 

 

 

 

When schemas prevent us from seeing and using

Creativity may be impaired by the overuse of

Functional fixedness

information in new and nontraditional ways

traditional, expectancy-based thinking.

 

 

 

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

434

Cognitive process

Description

Potential threat to accuracy

 

 

 

 

Errors in memory that occur when new but

Eyewitnesses who are questioned by the police

Misinformation

incorrect information influences existing

may change their memories of what they

effect

accurate memories

observed at the crime scene.

 

 

 

 

 

Eyewitnesses may be very confident that they

 

When we are more certain that our memories

have accurately identified a suspect, even

Overconfidence

and judgments are accurate than we should be

though their memories are incorrect.

 

 

 

 

When some stimuli, (e.g., those that are colorful,

We may base our judgments on a single salient

 

moving, or unexpected) grab our attention and

event while we ignore hundreds of other equally

Salience

make them more likely to be remembered

informative events that we do not see.

 

 

 

 

 

After a coin has come up “heads‖ many times in

 

 

a row, we may erroneously think that the next

Representativeness

Tendency to make judgments according to how

flip is more likely to be “tails‖ (the gambler‘s

heuristic

well the event matches our expectations

fallacy).

 

 

 

 

 

We may overestimate the crime statistics in our

 

Idea that things that come to mind easily are

own area, because these crimes are so easy to

Availability heuristic

seen as more common

recall.

 

 

 

 

 

We may think that we contributed more to a

Cognitive

Idea that some memories are more highly

project than we really did because it is so easy to

accessibility

activated than others

remember our own contributions.

 

 

 

 

When we “replay‖ events such that they turn out

 

 

differently (especially when only minor changes

We may feel particularly bad about events that

Counterfactual

in the events leading up to them make a

might not have occurred if only a small change

thinking

difference)

had occurred before them.

 

 

 

Source Monitoring: Did It Really Happen?

One potential error in memory involves mistakes in differentiating the sources of information. Source monitoring refers to the ability to accurately identify the source of a memory. Perhaps you‘ve had the experience of wondering whether you really experienced an event or only dreamed or imagined it. If so, you wouldn‘t be alone. Rassin, Merkelbach, and

Spaan (2001) [1] reported that up to 25% of college students reported being confused about real

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

435

versus dreamed events. Studies suggest that people who are fantasy-prone are more likely to experience source monitoring errors (Winograd, Peluso, & Glover, 1998), [2] and such errors also occur more often for both children and the elderly than for adolescents and younger adults (Jacoby & Rhodes, 2006). [3]

In other cases we may be sure that we remembered the information from real life but be uncertain about exactly where we heard it. Imagine that you read a news story in a tabloid magazine such as the National Enquirer. Probably you would have discounted the information because you know that its source is unreliable. But what if later you were to remember the story but forget the source of the information? If this happens, you might become convinced that the news story is true because you forget to discount it. The sleeper effectrefers to attitude change that occurs over time when we forget the source of information (Pratkanis, Greenwald, Leippe, & Baumgardner, 1988). [4]

In still other cases we may forget where we learned information and mistakenly assume that we created the memory ourselves. Kaavya Viswanathan, the author of the book How Opal Mehta Got Kissed, Got Wild, and Got a Life, was accused of plagiarism when it was revealed that many parts of her book were very similar to passages from other material. Viswanathan argued that she had simply forgotten that she had read the other works, mistakenly assuming she had made up the material herself. And the musician George Harrison claimed that he was unaware that the melody of his song “My Sweet Lord‖ was almost identical to an earlier song by another composer. The judge in the copyright suit that followed ruled that Harrison didn‘t intentionally commit the plagiarism. (Please use this knowledge to become extra vigilant about source attributions in your written work, not to try to excuse yourself if you are accused of plagiarism.)

Schematic Processing: Distortions Based on Expectations

We have seen that schemas help us remember information by organizing material into coherent representations. However, although schemas can improve our memories, they may also lead to cognitive biases. Using schemas may lead us to falsely remember things that never happened to

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

436

us and to distort or misremember things that did. For one, schemas lead to the confirmation bias, which is the tendency to verify and confirm our existing memories rather than to challenge and disconfirm them. The confirmation bias occurs because once we have schemas, they influence how we seek out and interpret new information. The confirmation bias leads us to remember information that fits our schemas better than we remember information that disconfirms them (Stangor & McMillan, 1992), [5] a process that makes our stereotypes very difficult to change.

And we ask questions in ways that confirm our schemas (Trope & Thompson, 1997). [6] If we think that a person is an extrovert, we might ask her about ways that she likes to have fun, thereby making it more likely that we will confirm our beliefs. In short, once we begin to believe in something—for instance, a stereotype about a group of people—it becomes very difficult to later convince us that these beliefs are not true; the beliefs become self-confirming.

Darley and Gross (1983) [7] demonstrated how schemas about social class could influence memory. In their research they gave participants a picture and some information about a fourthgrade girl named Hannah. To activate a schema about her social class, Hannah was pictured sitting in front of a nice suburban house for one-half of the participants and pictured in front of an impoverished house in an urban area for the other half. Then the participants watched a video that showed Hannah taking an intelligence test. As the test went on, Hannah got some of the questions right and some of them wrong, but the number of correct and incorrect answers was the same in both conditions. Then the participants were asked to remember how many questions Hannah got right and wrong. Demonstrating that stereotypes had influenced memory, the participants who thought that Hannah had come from an upper-class background remembered that she had gotten more correct answers than those who thought she was from a lower-class background.

Our reliance on schemas can also make it more difficult for us to “think outside the box.‖ Peter Wason (1960) [8] asked college students to determine the rule that was used to generate the numbers 2-4-6 by asking them to generate possible sequences and then telling them if those numbers followed the rule. The first guess that students made was usually “consecutive ascending even numbers,‖ and they then asked questions designed to confirm their hypothesis

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

437

( “Does 102-104-106 fit?‖ “What about 404-406-408?‖). Upon receiving information that those guesses did fit the rule, the students stated that the rule was “consecutive ascending even numbers.‖ But the students‘ use of the confirmation bias led them to ask only about instances that confirmed their hypothesis, and not about those that would disconfirm it. They never bothered to ask whether 1-2-3 or 3-11-200 would fit, and if they had they would have learned that the rule was not “consecutive ascending even numbers,‖ but simply “any three ascending numbers.‖ Again, you can see that once we have a schema (in this case a hypothesis), we continually retrieve that schema from memory rather than other relevant ones, leading us to act in ways that tend to confirm our beliefs.

Functional fixedness occurs when people’s schemas prevent them from using an object in new and nontraditional ways. Duncker (1945) [9] gave participants a candle, a box of thumbtacks, and a book of matches, and asked them to attach the candle to the wall so that it did not drip onto the table below (Figure 8.19 "Functional Fixedness"). Few of the participants realized that the box could be tacked to the wall and used as a platform to hold the candle. The problem again is that our existing memories are powerful, and they bias the way we think about new information. Because the participants were “fixated‖ on the box‘s normal function of holding thumbtacks, they could not see its alternative use.

Figure 8.19 Functional Fixedness

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

438

In the candle-tack-box problem, functional fixedness may lead us to see the box only as a box and not as a potential

candleholder.

Misinformation Effects: How Information That Comes Later Can Distort Memory

A particular problem for eyewitnesses such as Jennifer Thompson is that our memories are often influenced by the things that occur to us after we have learned the information (Erdmann, Volbert, & Böhm, 2004; Loftus, 1979; Zaragoza, Belli, & Payment, 2007). [10] This new information can distort our original memories such that the we are no longer sure what is the real information and what was provided later. The misinformation effect refers to errors in memory that occur when new information influences existing memories.

In an experiment by Loftus and Palmer (1974), [11] participants viewed a film of a traffic accident and then, according to random assignment to experimental conditions, answered one of three questions:

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

439

“About how fast were the cars going when they hit each other?‖

“About how fast were the cars going when they smashed each other?‖

“About how fast were the cars going when they contacted each other?‖

As you can see in Figure 8.20 "Misinformation Effect", although all the participants saw the same accident, their estimates of the cars‘ speed varied by condition. Participants who had been asked about the cars “smashing‖ each other estimated the highest average speed, and those who had been asked the “contacted‖ question estimated the lowest average speed.

Figure 8.20 Misinformation Effect

Attributed to Charles Stangor

Saylor.org

Saylor URL: http://www.saylor.org/books/

440