- •Ing the world, then the role of concepts is pivotal. By relating certain
- •In our view, a distinction between fundamentally different uses needs to
- •Versus popular writers, but also academics versus academics whose
- •Ing,” few have tried to think through the assumptions and implications
- •In sum, Rosenau defends a rather broad concept of global gover-
- •Inal Court (icc); intergovernmental organizations, such as the World
- •Ity in issue areas ranging from biodiversity to human rights; and illicit
- •In practitioners’ perspectives. Thus, despite the fact that the Commission
- •Is the widespread adoption of the new concept of global governance
- •Issue area and under all circumstances, we do believe that once such a
- •Vate Actors and the State: Internationalization and the Changing Patterns of
Inal Court (icc); intergovernmental organizations, such as the World
Bank or the large number of convention secretariats; hybrid and private
organizations, such as the World Conservation Union or Forest Steward-
ship Council (FSC); and, finally, a number of other institutions such as
the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) or the mass media, which are less
easily subsumed under one of the above categories. In essence, global
governance implies a multiactor perspective on world politics.
Klaus Dingwerth and Philipp Pattberg 191Second, while the term international relations suggests that inter-
national interaction can be analyzed separately from interaction at other
levels of social interaction, the term global governance conceives of
world politics as a multilevel system in which local, national, regional,
and global political processes are inseparably linked. Global governance
research is therefore particularly interested in the interlinkages between
the different policy levels. It includes asking how WTO rules affect
communities in different regions, and how communities in different
regions affect WTO rules. It includes asking how ideas expressed in
transnational forums affect and are affected by ideas and practices in
national, regional, or local settings. And it includes asking how solu-
tions to global problems can be found without neglecting the differen-
tiated needs and capabilities of highly distinct local communities. The
benefit of including these questions in the notion of global governance
derives from the importance these linkages have in real life. Under-
standing how the “world political system”26 works implies under-
standing how different spaces and levels of the system interact.
Third, while the concept of international relations is traditionally
linked to power relations, interest-based interstate bargaining, and, more
recently, the role of norms and advocacy networks as the driving forces
of politics beyond the state, the notion of global governance starts from
the assumption that a wide variety of forms of governance exist next to
each other and that a hierarchy among these various mechanisms is
hard, if not impossible, to discern:
There is no single organizing principle on which global governance
rests, no emergent order around which communities and nations are
likely to converge. Global governance is the sum of myriad—literally
millions of—control mechanisms driven by different histories, goals,
structures, and processes. . . . In terms of governance, the world is too
disaggregated for grand logics that postulate a measure of global
coherence.27
Examples of such mechanisms include the procedures of the UN
Security Council governing the use of force laid out in Chapter VII of
the Charter of the United Nations, the processes by which transnational
social movements aim at persuading or pressuring governments to im-
prove their human rights records, the joint environmental standard set-
ting of business corporations and NGOs to promote sustainability, and
transboundary alliances of cities and regions intended to foster mutual
learning. The concept of governance captures this plurality of mecha-
nisms that horizontally link activities of various actors. In a domestic
context, governance refers to horizontal processes of self-coordination—
192 Global Governance as a Perspective on World Politicsfor instance, in issue networks, advocacy coalitions, or similar mecha-
nisms—that alter the relation between public and private interests.
Transferred to the international and transnational policy level, where
central authority is largely absent, governance accordingly encompasses
intergovernmental negotiations as well as other, less formal processes of
coordination among a number of public and private actors.
Fourth, while research in the field of international relations tends to
focus on the phenomenon of authority and its legitimation primarily in
close connection with the state’s ability to pursue its rational self-
interest, a global governance perspective allows capturing the emergence
of new spheres of authority in world politics independently of sovereign
nation-states.28 A growing number of authors have pointed to the emer-
gence of private authority as a result of new steering mechanisms that dif-
fer from hierarchical domestic decisionmaking or nonhierarchical inter-
state bargaining.29 For Doris Fuchs, “the core of the global governance
argument concerns the acquisition of authoritative decision-making
capacity by non-state and supra-state actors.”30 Examples of such new
authority include private interfirm regimes that regulate whole market
segments; private standard-setting cooperations between different soci-
etal actors; transnational advocacy networks that exercise moral author-
