jost_j_t_kay_a_c_thorisdottir_n_social_and_psychological_bas
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Table 14.1 Effects of ideology and interaction of procedural justice with ideology in predicting satisfaction with decision maker.
|
Satisfaction with authority |
Main effects |
|
Procedural justice |
0.960*** |
Ideology |
0.064* |
Interaction with ideology |
|
Procedural justice* Ideology |
–.018* |
Adjusted variables |
|
Outcome favorability |
0.140*** |
Distributive justice |
0.061*** |
Race: African American |
.031 |
Race: Latino |
–.013 |
Education |
0.007 |
Income |
0.004 |
Gender |
–.025 |
Age |
0.000 |
Voluntary |
–.119** |
Type of authority |
0.006 |
Adjusted R2 |
81.7% |
|
|
Note. * = p < .05
**= p < .01
***= p < .001
To interpret this interaction, we conducted a follow-up analysis to compare the effect of procedural justice on satisfaction separately for liberals and conservatives. Following Preacher and colleagues (2006), we calculated the simple slopes for procedural justice at one standard deviation above and below the center point of the scale for ideology. Results indicate that the fairness of procedures had a greater influence on liberal respondents: B = 0.997, SE = .022, t(932) = 44.93, p < .001, than on conservative respondents: B = 0.923, SE = .031, t(932) = 30.28, p < .001. Therefore, the interaction between procedural justice and ideology indicates that decreasing fairness of procedures resulted in a greater decrease in satisfaction for liberals than for conservatives (Fig. 14.1). In other words, as people experienced greater levels of injustice, they became less satisfied. However, liberals became significantly less satisfied in response to evidence of injustice than did conservatives.
A second regression analysis was conducted to assess the extent to which procedural justice and ideological orientation predicted acceptance of the decision reached by the authority figure, and the extent of interaction be-
Procedural Justice and System Justifying Motivations |
363 |
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Satisfaction with Authority
4
3.5
3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
Liberals
Conservatives
Level of Procedural Justice
Figure 14.1 Interaction of procedural justice and ideology in predicting satisfaction with the authority fi gure.
tween ideology and procedural justice in predicting acceptance (Table 14.2). Results indicate that acceptance was shaped primarily by procedural justice (B = 0.493, SE = .035, β = 0.483, t(919) = 14.03, p < .001), rather than outcome favorability (B = 0.088, SE = .023, β = 0.116, t(919) = 3.83, p < .001). In line with predictions, there was a significant effect of ideology (higher numbers indicate more conservative ideology): B = 0.093, SE = .044, = 0.206, t(919) = 2.13, p < .05. Conservative respondents reported a greater overall willingness to accept the decisions made by the authority figure than did liberal respondents, after adjusting for objective outcome favorability.
Moreover, greater decision acceptance was reported by respondents who received more favorable outcomes (B = 0.088, SE = .023, β = 0.116, t(919) = 3.83, p < .001), as well as by respondents who perceived greater distributive justice (B = 0.059, SE = .026, β = 0.069, t(919) = 2.31, p < .05). Latino respondents reported greater levels of decision acceptance than did EuropeanAmerican respondents (B = 0.148, SE = .074, β = 0.074, t(919) = 1.995, p < .05). There were no other significant effects of race, gender, income, education level, or age on reported decision acceptance.
In addition, there was a significant interaction between ideology and procedural justice: B = –.026, SE = .013, β = –.190, t(919) = –1.97, p < .05. As in the prior analysis, to interpret this interaction, we conducted a follow-up test to compare the effect of procedural justice on acceptance for liberals and conservatives separately. Following Preacher and colleagues (2006), we calculated
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Table 14.2 Effect of ideology, and interaction of procedural justice with ideology, in predicting decision acceptance.
|
DECISION ACCEPTANCE |
Main effects |
|
Procedural justice |
0.493*** |
Ideology |
.093* |
Interaction with ideology |
|
Procedural justice* Ideology |
–.026** |
Adjusted variables |
|
Outcome favorability |
0.088*** |
Distributive justice |
0.059* |
Race: African American |
–.027 |
Race: Latino |
0.148* |
Education |
–.006 |
Income |
0.004 |
Gender |
–.020 |
Age |
–.001 |
Voluntary |
–.229*** |
Type of authority |
0.104 |
Adjusted R 2 |
33.1% |
|
|
Note. * = p < .05
**= p < .01
***= p < .001
the simple slopes for procedural justice at one standard deviation above and below the center point of the scale for ideology. Results indicate that the fairness of procedures had a greater influence on liberal respondents: B = 0.546, SE = .044, t(919) = 12.41, p < .001, than on conservative respondents: B = 0.440, SE = .044, t(932) = 9.99, p < .001. Therefore, the interaction between procedural justice and ideology indicates that decreasing fairness of procedures resulted in a stronger decrease in acceptance for liberals than conservatives (Fig. 14.2). In other words, as people experienced greater levels of injustice, they became less accepting of the decision reached. However, liberals became significantly less accepting in response to evidence of injustice than did conservatives.
Is the Pattern Symmetrical?
Based on prior theory and research, we expected that negative experiences with authorities would create psychological conflict and lead to an increase
Procedural Justice and System Justifying Motivations |
365 |
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Decision Acceptance
4
3.8
3.6
3.4
3.2
3
2.8
2.6
2.4
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
Liberals
Conservatives
Level of Procedural Justice
Figure 14.2 Interaction of procedural justice and ideology in predicting acceptance of decision reached by the authority.
in system justification motivation to reinterpret negative information in a more positive light. That is, dealing with polite and respectful police officers or judges would not create psychological conflict, insofar as this does not undermine support for the law and legal authority, whereas negative experiences would threaten the legitimacy of the system. Moreover, we predicted on theoretical grounds that conservative respondents would be more resistant than liberal respondents to lowering their evaluations in the face of negative experiences with authorities.
In line with these predictions, the preceding analyses revealed that conservatives changed their evaluations less than liberals did in response to experiences of injustice (as indicated by a shallower slope in the regressions). In addition, the divergence between liberals and conservatives in degree of adjustment of evaluations was strongest for negative experiences. To look at this more closely, we focus on the graphs representing the regression slopes for satisfaction with the authority figure (Fig. 14.1) and acceptance of decisions (Fig. 14.2). The scale for procedural justice ranges from 1 to 4, with 2.5 indicating neutrality. An examination of the figures shows that in both cases, but especially with respect to decision acceptance, increasing divergence occurred with greater injustice. When people had relatively fair experiences, liberals and conservatives were generally similar. But when experiences became negative, the ideological differences emerged.
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This pattern is consistent with our argument concerning motivational effects on interpretation of justice information. If liberals were simply more responsive, they would decrease more in response to injustice, and increase more in response to justice. They would, in other words, simply react more strongly to whatever experience they had. But the regression pattern does not support this view. The divergence occurs with respect to negative experiences only, suggesting that people are reacting differently to the threat posed by unjust experiences as a function of their chronic motivation to justify the system.
DISCUSSION
Accurate Versus Motivated Interpretations
of Procedural Justice Information
Prior research has shown that people place a great deal of emphasis on procedures in forming evaluations and legitimacy judgments of authorities and social institutions. Extensive research demonstrates that people use procedural justice to derive socially relevant information needed to make sense of one’s social settings and to evaluate groups and institutions (Tyler & Blader, 2000; Van den Bos & Lind, 2002). However, the current study suggests that processing and interpretation of procedural justice information may be subject to motivational biases. When faced with injustice from authorities and systems, people may be threatened and experience conflicts between the motivation to veridically process information about social reality and the motivation to justify extant institutions and the status quo.
On the basis of research on SJT and political orientation we hypothesized that people with a conservative orientation would experience more conflict in the face of injustice because of a greater need to view the world as just and reasonable and because of less tolerance for uncertainty and inconsistent information. As a result, we predicted a divergence between liberals and conservatives in response to information that may discredit existing authorities and institutions. We suggested that liberals would process injustice information in a manner more consistent with the actual negative experience, whereas conservatives would be more resistant to recognizing and reacting to negative information about the unfairness of procedures in the social system.
The results of this study provide evidence of motivated social cognition, and indicate that people with different political orientations interpret procedural information in different ways. More conservative respondents appeared to be less sensitive to negative experiences and evaluated authorities in a more positive light. Specifically, conservatives reported more positive overall evaluations of satisfaction with their experience, as well as willingness to accept the
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decisions reached by the authority. In addition, increasing system justification tendencies were associated with a smaller negative impact of procedural injustice. Respondents who were more motivated to justify the system (i.e., conservatives) were less sensitive to decreases in procedural justice, and evaluated authorities and decisions more positively in the face of injustice, as compared with those who were less motivated to justify the system (i.e., liberals).
These findings provide support for the argument that a greater need to perceive the extant system as just gives rise to motivated processing and interpretation of justice information (Haines & Jost, 2000; Jost et al., 2004; Kay et al., 2007). As the available information increasingly threatens the view of institutional procedures as just, and thereby the legitimacy of institutions and authorities, respondents with a greater need to justify the system show a positively biased interpretation of procedures.
Implications for Legitimacy of Authorities and Systems
Models of justice judgments suggest that motivations to justify the status quo may interfere with an accurate understanding and evaluation of social institutions. By engaging in motivated reasoning, people become unable to veridically process and react to justice information, and as a result may fail to acknowledge procedural or distributive failures or take actions to address these. As a result, the injustices that social institutions perpetrate may not result in disapproval or negative evaluation. Thus, system justification may prevent responses that challenge institutions or attempt to alleviate unjust situations (see also Wakslak, Jost, Tyler, & Chen, 2007). In other words, motivated reasoning that results in distorted information processing may lead to inhibition of collective action and institutional change.
The Palliative Function of System Justification
Another conclusion suggested by the results of this study is that engaging in system justification serves a palliative function by improving evaluations and providing a sense of reassurance and legitimacy that is not necessarily warranted (Jost & Hunyady, 2002). Respondents who were more highly motivated to justify the system reported more satisfaction with the authority and a greater willingness to accept the decisions reached by the authority, even under conditions of injustice. Although further studies are needed to assess the accuracy and impact of these positive evaluations, they can be expected to lead to more positive emotional states (see Napier and Jost, 2008).
Limitations and Future Directions
The analysis presented here is based on subjective evaluations of procedural justice. In the same way that system justification motives influence
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interpretation of procedural justice information, they may also lead to distortions in the extent to which people perceive their experiences with authorities as procedurally just. To the degree that such distortions occur, they are not captured in the analysis we report. Hence, we might well be underestimating the magnitude of the motivated reasoning that is occurring. In other words, motivated reasoning driven by system justification needs can be expected to influence both the perception of procedural information, as well as its interpretation in forming evaluations. Although the current analysis focused on motivated interpretation of justice information, a more complete analysis is needed to assess both facets of influence of system-justifying motivations on evaluations of authorities and institutions.
In addition, the current analysis did not include a direct measure of system justification, but relied instead on individual differences in ideological orientation that have been shown to be consistently associated with systemjustification tendencies (Jost et al., 2008; Napier & Jost, 2008). These shortcomings need to be addressed by studies that directly assess respondents’ system justification needs and experimentally manipulate procedural justice, to assess the effects of motivation to justify the system on the perception of procedural information and its interpretation in evaluating the fairness and legitimacy of authorities, institutions, and systems.
CONCLUSIONS
In sum, the present research demonstrates that motivation to justify the system influences the way people form judgments about authorities and institutions on the basis of procedural justice information. Greater motivation to justify the system decreases the negative impact of injustice on evaluations and leads to a more positive reinterpretation of unjust procedures. As a result, those who are motivated to justify the system are able to maintain more positive evaluations of the system and the authorities who represent it, even in the face of injustice.
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C H A P T E R 1 5
Planet of the Durkheimians, Where
Community, Authority, and Sacredness
Are Foundations of Morality
Jonathan Haidt and Jesse Graham
Abstract
Most academic efforts to understand morality and ideology come from theorists who limit the domain of morality to issues related to harm and fairness. For such theorists, conservative beliefs are puzzles requiring non-moral explanations. In contrast, we present moral foundations theory, which broadens the moral domain to match the anthropological literature on morality. We extend the theory by integrating it with a review of the sociological constructs of community, authority, and sacredness, as formulated by Emile Durkheim and others. We present data supporting the theory, which also shows that liberals misunderstand the explicit moral concerns of conservatives more than conservatives misunderstand liberals. We suggest that what liberals see as a non-moral motivation for system justifi cation may be better described as a moral motivation to protect society, groups, and the structures and constraints that are often (although not always) benefi cial for individuals. Finally, we outline the possible benefi ts of a moral foundations perspective for system justifi cation theory (SJT), including better understandings of (a) why the system-justifying motive is palliative despite some harmful effects, (b) possible evolutionary origins of the motive, and (c) the values and worldviews of conservatives in general.
It has not yet been revealed to the public, but we have it on good authority that intelligent life was recently discovered on a planet several light years away. The planet has been given an unpronounceable technical name, but scientists refer to the planet informally as “Planet Durkheim.” Judging by the television signals received, Durkheimians look rather like human beings, although their behavior is quite different. Durkheimians crave, above all else, being tightly integrated into strong groups that cooperatively pursue common goals. They have little desire for self-expression or individual development, and when the requirements of certain jobs force individuals to spend much time alone, or when the needs of daily life force individuals to make their own decisions or express their own preferences, Durkheimians feel drained and unhappy. In extreme cases of enforced individualism, they
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